Treatment and Outcomes of Paediatric Asthma in New Zealand

Treatment and Outcomes of Paediatric Asthma in New Zealand Inequities are present in the prevalence, treatment and outcomes of paediatric asthma in New Zealand (NZ). A sound body of literature and research confirms these inequities, and associates them with various axes, including socioeconomic status (SES) and ethnicity. A conceptual framework, Williams model, is proposed to explain how basic and surface causal factors have resulted in such inequities in paediatric asthma in NZ. Finally, this essay articulates two evidence-based interventions which have been devised with one potent aim: to reduce the unfair disparities in the health status for different population groups. Asthma can affect people of any age, yet is much more common in children than adults. On one hand, studies have suggested that the prevalence of paediatric asthma is similar between Maori and non-Maori (Holt Beasley, 2002). Conversely, there is evidence that Maori boys and girls are 1.5 times as likely to be taking medication for asthma than non-Maori boys and girls (Ministry of Health, 2008). Yet, medicated asthma as a proxy for paediatric asthma prevalence may not be desirable as it fails to include those who should be medicated but are not currently due to barriers such as cost, access and education. This may have the effect of underestimating the true ethnic disparities. However, using asthma symptoms as a better indicator of asthma prevalence, evidence from the ISAAC study (2004) conclude that there are, in fact, significant ethnic variations; that the prevalence of recent wheeze is higher in Maori than in non-Maori children, and is lower for Pacific children than for other eth nic groups. These finding are consistent with an earlier study on paediatric asthma prevalence in New Zealand, suggesting that the pattern of interethnic differences have persisted over time (Pattermore et al., 2004). Perhaps the greatest difference in the prevalence of paediatric asthma between ethnic groups is the presence of more severe symptoms among Maori and Pacific children when compared with Europen children. Both Maori and Pacific children had symptoms suggesting more severe asthma; findings from the ISAAC study (2004) indicated that they reported a higher frequency of wheeze disturbing sleep reported than Europeans. Moreover, Maori and Pacific children are hospitalised more frequently and require more days off school as a result of their asthma than their European counterparts (Pattermore et al., 2004). Although asthma admissions among all children in NZ have remained relatively stable over the last decade, this not the case for all ethnicities (Craig, Jackson Han, 2007). NZ European children have experienced a steady decline for hospital admission rates due to asthma, but this decreasing trend is not the case for Maori and Pacific children, of whom Metcalf (2004) found asthma hospitali sation rates for children under 5 to be four times more likely than that of NZ Europeans. Similar ethnic disparities in hospital admission rates for asthma have also been recognised in the United Kingdom, where children of African and South Asian origins have an increased risk of hospitalisation when compared with the majority European population (Netuveli et al., 2005). Furthermore, it seems worth noting that hospital admissions for Maori compared to non-Maori are not distributed equally: a geographical analysis found the difference in asthma hospitalisation rates between Maori and non-Maori to be more significant in rural areas than in urban areas, despite the fact there was no consistent association between rurality and the prevalence of paediatric asthma (Netuveli). As asthma is a chronic disease with no cure, the goal of asthma treatment is, instead, to control its symptoms. There are two key areas in asthma management: self-management (by the caregivers of children) through asthma education and knowledge; and management via medication. In a trial of a community-based asthma education clinic, Kolbe, Garrett, Vamos and Rea (1994) reported greater improvements in asthma knowledge among European than Maori or Pacific participants. A more recent study found that, compared to children of the European ethnic group, Maori and Pacific children with asthma received less asthma education and medication, had lower levels of parental asthma knowledge, had more problems with accessing appropriate asthma care, and were less likely to have an action plan (Crengle, Robinson, Grant Arroll, 2005). Thus, it can be inferred that ethnic inequities in asthma education and self-management have been maintained throughout the years. Despite medication being a critical component of effective asthma management, studies have shown that Maori and Pacific children with severe morbidity may be less likely to receive preventative medications than NZ European children (Crengle et al.). Where reliever medications bring immediate, short-term relief for acute asthma attacks (an indicator of poor asthma control), preventers (or inhaled corticosteroids) prevent symptoms from occurring and is used in the long-term management of asthma (Asher Byrnes, 2006). The ratio of reliever to preventer use is higher in Maori and Pacific than European children, implying a disproportionate burden; that despite a higher prevalence of asthma symptoms, Maori and Pacific children are more likely to have sub-optimal asthma control. (â€Å"Asthma and chronic cough†, 2008). Death from asthma remains a relatively uncommon event, and most are largely preventable. Yet, ethnic inequities are also present: Maori are four times more likely to die from asthma than non-Maori. Asthma deaths in Maori are higher than non-Maori for every age-group, including children from 0 to 14 years old (Asher Byrnes, 2006). There have been many studies attempting to evaluate the relationship between SES and paediatric asthma in NZ; yet, evidence is conflicting on such an association. In terms of prevalence, the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study (1990) argue that the SES of families has no impact on the prevalence of childhood asthma. There are many studies, however, that demonstrate that socioeconomic disadvantage adversely affects asthma severity and management. Damp, cold and mouldy environments are probably more frequent in houses of families with lower SES, and there is some evidence of a dose-response relationship with more severe asthma occurring with increasing dampness level (Butler, Williams, Tukuitonga Paterson, 2003). Moreover, due to such barriers as cost and location, children of lower SES families have less frequent use of asthma medication and less regular contact with medical practitioners, which, in turn, results in higher rates of asthma-related hospital admission s (Mitchell, et al. , 1989). It is important to note that evidence exists to show higher proportions of Maori and Pacific ethnic groups living in more deprived socioeconomic decile areas with poorer housing, having household incomes of less than $40,000, and having caregivers with no high school qualification (Butler et al., 2003). If the gradient of increasing severity in asthma morbidity is steeper for Maori and Pacific children than Europeans, it seems likely that this could also be a manifestation of the influence of socioeconomic deprivation on childhood asthma. Socioeconomic deprivation is therefore is not only more common, but has a stronger effect on health for Maori and Pacific Islanders. Why, then, should such inequities be identified and addressed? Health inequities are, by definition, differences which are unfair, avoidable, and amenable to intervention. The basic human right to health guaranteed under the international human rights law affirms health – the highest attainable state of physical and mental health – as a fundamental human right; as a resource which allows everyone, including children, to achieve their fullest potential (United Nations, 2009). Ought such potential to be hindered by less than favourabe health outcomes due to familial socioeconomic status or the ethnic group to which a child belongs to is a breach of human rights and is simply unjust. Thus, dealing with childhood asthma inequities is, for Maori and Pacific children in particular, reflective of their high need due to an unacceptable contravention of rights. Morever, it is important to address Maori and non-Maori inequities because, as tangata whenua, Maori are indigenous to NZ. Kingis (2007) report states that the Treaty of Waitaingi has a role in protecting the interests of Maori, and it is, undoubtedly, not in their interests to be disadvantaged in health. There is therefore a strong ethical imperative, on the basis of both human and indigenous rights, for addressing inequities in the prevalence, treatment and outcomes of paediatric asthma in NZ. Williams (1997, adapted) model conceptualises the determinants of inequities as being of two kinds: basic causes and surface causes. It makes explicit the key drivers of inequities in the prevalence, treatment and outcomes of paediatric asthma in NZ; as in, what has created, and maintains, the inequities between ethnic and socioeconomic groups. These are referred to as the basic causes, or those factors which necessitate alteration to fundamentally create changes in population health outcomes and therefore address inequities (Williams). Surface causes are also related to the outcome but, where basic causes remain, modifying surface factors alone will not result in subsequent changes in the outcome; that is, health inequities persist (Williams). As can be seen with paediatric asthma, ethnicity is strongly associated with SES in NZ. Yet, both ethnicity and SES are not independent factors; they have themselves been shaped by underlying basic causal forces. Inequities in the distribution of prevalence, morbidity and mortality of paediatric asthma seems to resonate with an undervaluing of Maori and Pacific lives and health in NZ. Using Williams model, this undervaluing of Maori and Pacific people, and subsequent inequity, is deeply rooted in our colonial history (for Maori) and economic recession (for Pacific Islanders), as well as the scourge of institutional racism. Churchill (1996) argues that colonisation is based on the dehumanisation of indigenous people. Central to colonisation is the belief among colonisers of their superiority and the creation of a new history, with indigenous Maori knowledge relabelled as myths, the traditional landscape renamed, and land alienation. On the other hand, the economic downturn from the 19 70s to early 1980s, which coincided with the significant arrival of Pacific peoples to NZ, resulted in a shortage of jobs and a tightening of immigration policy (Dunsford et al., 2011). Pacific paoples were now labelled as overstayers, which culminated in the infamous dawn raids (Dunsford et al.). Both indigenous Maori and Pacific migrants became ethnic groups defined by exclusion and marginalisation, which has been embedded in NZ society (thus, institutionalied racism). In other words, they have been removed from a sense of place and belonging which is an entitlement of all New Zealanders. The effects of the basic causal forces introduced unnecessary challenges and has led to disparities in the social status of Maori and Pacific peoples when compared with Europeans. This is manifested in the distribution of socioeconomic deprivation, where Maori and Pacific peoples are overrpresented in the most deprived areas (Mare, Mawson Timmins, 2001). This is largely the result of the inequitable distribution of socioeconomic factors stemming from the basic causes; that is, below average educational attainment, high rates of unemployment and reduction of income among Maori and Pacific Islanders. Ethnicity, deprivation and social status all give rise to what Williams model labels as the surface causes. The amalgamation of low socioeconomic status alongside less than favourable desterminants of health and being marginalised has exacerbated to produce a quagmire in which inequities in health are a given for many Maori and Pacfic peoples. This provides part of the explanation of the inequities in the prevalence, treatment and outcomes in paediatric asthma, as Maori and Pacific peoples are less likely to have routine visits to their GP, access to regular preventive medication, and to live in sufficient housing (therefore more susceptible to house dust mites and damp envrionments) – all of which seem to be due to cost constraints (Pattermore et al., 2004). However, this is unlikely to explain the full picture, as poor outcomes are also evident for children aged under six, in whom the provision of care is free of charge. Thus, other surface causes could be a lack of cultural ly appropriate services as well as differences in the quality of care received (Rumball-Smith, 2009). Next in the causal pathway of Williams model is biological processes, where the cumulative impacts of the basic and surface causal factors together with social status manifest themselves as diseases, such as asthma, via the notion of embodiment (Williams, 1997, adapted). In the case of paediatric asthma, the immune responses of Maori and Pacific childrens may be compromised, making them more susceptible to complications in their already vulnerable health (as Maori and Pacific children with asthma are more likely to suffer more severe symptoms). These biological processes, in turn, determine health status (health, morbidity and mortality) and where we all sit on the spectrum. The issue with paediatric asthma is that many children are on the wrong end of the spectrum, and too many of these children are of Maori and Pacific ethnic groups. One way in which inequities in the prevalence, treatment and outcome of paediatric asthma has been addressed is through housing improvement intervention programmes in NZ, such as the randomised controlled trial examining the effects of improvements in housing on the symptoms of asthma. Parents of children in the intervention group allocated a non-polluting, more effective replacement heater in their homes reported fewer days of school, and fewer visits to the doctor and pharmacist for asthma (Howden-Chapman et al., 2008). Through increasing warmth, and reducing dampness and mould in households, housing intervention programmes directly improve the health status of all children with asthma. Moreover, fuel poverty is common in NZ; as in, unaffordable fuel and unsafe heating are a significant issue for many families, especially for Maori and Pacific peoples in whom higher rates of paediatric asthma prevalence, severity, hospitalisation and mortality occur (Asher Byrnes, 2006). Thus, int erventions of this kind, which prioritise socioeconomically disadvantaged communities and poorer quality housing (where there are a higher proportion of Maori and Pacific families), have the potential to reduce not only inequities in health status among ethnic groups, but also the inequitable distribution of adequate housing, a key social determinant of health. After the Maori asthma review (1991), which contended that improving outcomes from asthma among Maori required promotion techniques that incorporated Maori visions and values, a trial of an asthma action plan was devised and undertaken by Maori from Wairarapa with the aim of increasing interactions between Maori community groups and the health sector, reducing inequities between Maori and non-Maori, and improving asthma in the Maori community. Over a period of six months, Maori with asthma were educated in asthma control, seen at marae-based asthma clinics, and were provided with credit card sized asthma action plans (Beasley et al., 1993). In addition to improvements in asthma morbidity (via improvements in asthma control), the programme was found to have benefits extending beyond the effects of asthma, including greater cultural affirmation and increased access to other healthcare services among the Maori community. These successes were largely due to the involvement of the Maori c ommunity in the programme. For Maori, by Maori interventions target the surface causes of Williams model, which identified a lack of culturally appropriate care as a driver of inequities in paediatric asthma. Moreover, there is international evidence to show that similar interventions for other minority ethnic groups have also had beneficial effects (La Roche, Koinis-Mitchell Gualdron, 2006). By taking into account the needs of groups which have historically been margnalised in NZ society, these interventions allow for a more culturally meaningful engagement with regard to the experience of asthma, and serves to reduce inequities in the differential access and receipt of quality care among Maori and Pacific peoples. There is a myriad of evidence to suggest that ethnicity and SES are intrinsically linked to the inequities in the prevalance, severity, hospitalisation rates and mortality with regards to childhood asthma in NZ. Williams model may explain this relationship: the negative effects of colonisation, the economic recession and institutional racism, especially on the key determinants of health, impact differentially on population groups, resulting in the disparities in outcomes of asthma among Maori and Pacific children when compared to their European counterparts. Based on this discussion, it can be seen that approaches to develop strategies need to both prioritise those with the greatest need as well as proceed in partnership with Maori and Pacific peoples in order to address the inequities in childhood asthma in NZ.

Insurance for White Masculinity: Methods of Control to Ensure a Dominan

Insurance for White Masculinity: Methods of Control to Ensure a Dominant Race The nineteenth-century saw great changes within America and from these changes an ideology was created in an effort of understanding and unification among white men. Changes were occurring so rapidly that they could not be digested and readily accepted, therefore opposition to these rose very significantly. The nineteenth century saw for a great number of political changes as the black race began to collect rights, the arrival of immigrants on an unprecedented scale, the colonization of the remaining world, and the change of women’s roles. White women started to become more educated and moved out of the house and into workplace disrupting the domestic order that was essential to keeping men’s lives stable as Tocqueville claims that the â€Å"regularity of [women’s] affection was the safeguard of American men’s lives† and without this regularity a hysteria and insanity developed. (Barker-Benfield 47) White women were immediately labeled as threat to the lineage of white men because the civilized woman began to be considered a â€Å"Race of Hysteria.† (Briggs 1) Women were considered hysterical as it was believed that as a civilization became more civilized it became a â€Å"breeding place for insanity† and these ideals were pushed upon women because their roles in society were significantly changing and men were not apt to accept these changes readily. (Barker 52) White Masculinity was developed out of the idea of making sure that white women would not become a â€Å"racial threat† to white men’s lineage; white women were supposedly becoming civilized and hysterical at the same time and then began to significantly lose in population because of these problems to the other... ...aura. â€Å"The Race of Hysteria: ‘Overcivilization’ and the ‘Savage’ Women in Late Nineteenth-Century Obstetrics and Gynecology.† American Quarterly 52.2 (2000). . - Evans, Dylan â€Å"An Introductory Dictionary of Lacanian Psychoanalysis†. - Goodis, David. The Moon in the Gutter. Great Britain: Serpent’s Tail, 1983. - Lansbury, Coral. â€Å"Gynecology, Pornography, and the Antivivisection Movement.† Rutgers University, (Spring 1985): 23 pars. - Nelson, Dana D.. National Manhood. London: Duke UP, 1998. - Rabate, Jean-Michel. The Cambridge Companion to Lacan. Cambridge UP, 2003. - Salinger, J.D.. The Catcher in the Rye. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1945. - Thompson, Jim. The Nothing Man. New York: Vintage Crime, 1954. Insurance for White Masculinity: Methods of Control to Ensure a Dominan Insurance for White Masculinity: Methods of Control to Ensure a Dominant Race The nineteenth-century saw great changes within America and from these changes an ideology was created in an effort of understanding and unification among white men. Changes were occurring so rapidly that they could not be digested and readily accepted, therefore opposition to these rose very significantly. The nineteenth century saw for a great number of political changes as the black race began to collect rights, the arrival of immigrants on an unprecedented scale, the colonization of the remaining world, and the change of women’s roles. White women started to become more educated and moved out of the house and into workplace disrupting the domestic order that was essential to keeping men’s lives stable as Tocqueville claims that the â€Å"regularity of [women’s] affection was the safeguard of American men’s lives† and without this regularity a hysteria and insanity developed. (Barker-Benfield 47) White women were immediately labeled as threat to the lineage of white men because the civilized woman began to be considered a â€Å"Race of Hysteria.† (Briggs 1) Women were considered hysterical as it was believed that as a civilization became more civilized it became a â€Å"breeding place for insanity† and these ideals were pushed upon women because their roles in society were significantly changing and men were not apt to accept these changes readily. (Barker 52) White Masculinity was developed out of the idea of making sure that white women would not become a â€Å"racial threat† to white men’s lineage; white women were supposedly becoming civilized and hysterical at the same time and then began to significantly lose in population because of these problems to the other... ...aura. â€Å"The Race of Hysteria: ‘Overcivilization’ and the ‘Savage’ Women in Late Nineteenth-Century Obstetrics and Gynecology.† American Quarterly 52.2 (2000). . - Evans, Dylan â€Å"An Introductory Dictionary of Lacanian Psychoanalysis†. - Goodis, David. The Moon in the Gutter. Great Britain: Serpent’s Tail, 1983. - Lansbury, Coral. â€Å"Gynecology, Pornography, and the Antivivisection Movement.† Rutgers University, (Spring 1985): 23 pars. - Nelson, Dana D.. National Manhood. London: Duke UP, 1998. - Rabate, Jean-Michel. The Cambridge Companion to Lacan. Cambridge UP, 2003. - Salinger, J.D.. The Catcher in the Rye. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1945. - Thompson, Jim. The Nothing Man. New York: Vintage Crime, 1954.

Taking Masters in Nursing

It has always been my dream since my childhood to become either a Nurse or a Lawyer; however, I preferred to be a Nurse. In that way, I can realize both. As a nurse, I can be of help to patients who need our modest care and attention and at the same time, be advocates of patient’s health and rights. I had high ambitions when I entered the field of nursing on the year 2004. Completing the course wasn’t that easy. I seriously took my studies and attain every single requirement to be able to achieve the Nursing degree and eventually, pass the Nurse Licensure Examination. I applied for training at tertiary hospitals in Davao. One of which is Davao Regional Hospital, a 250 bed health care facility, where I was exposed in various special units. As a neophyte, I got to learn and adjust with the different cases I encountered. It is a fact that nowadays, it is not that easy to find a permanent job as a nurse. I took the challenge of the stiff competition and grabbed every chance only to prove that I don’t easily give up. With high hopes and perseverance, I was hired and given the chance to be a part of the health care team of Davao Doctors Hospital (DDH), the premiere hospital in Mindanao. I was trained and assigned at the Medical-Surgical Unit, which caters critically and chronically ill patients. Continuing my nursing career at DDH widened my goals, perspective and outlook in this profession. My path and focus toward work aimed for new heights. Taking care of some patient with mechanical ventilators, on going chemotherapy and with various tubes attached, I know that I get to see great things, which I can acquire in this profession. I realized that one must have an open-mind and a compassionate heart toward work in order to be effective and efficient in this field of practice. The critical cases of my patients served as challenges considering the care and empathy I feel towards them. The exposures I experience give a new meaning as I end every shift of my duty. It always teaches me to stand tall and surrendering isn’t an option. I consider it an everyday fulfillment. Fulfilling my goals to become critically aware with the theories and principles of the Nursing profession, achieving my aspiration to become a holistic nurse which can be advocate, practitioner and educator to my patients, as well as to my colleagues, are my main reasons for pursuing the Master of Arts in Nursing major in Adult Health Nursing at the University of the Philippines Open University. With this degree, I know that I can widen my competence and understanding and develop my awareness on the present issues affecting the Nursing profession especially to the area, which I am assigned. Likewise, it has been my dream, since then, to attain a Master’s degree in a prestigious university like UP. It is also my aim to lead the Nursing team specifically in our unit and even in the whole Nursing Department, where I can provide education to my co-workers and be a model in promoting the best and qualified service to our clients. In addition, considering my location and duty schedule here in Davao, I know that the Open University program would be the best way to achieve my aspirations. In the future, I hope to achieve new opportunities in the institution I work and even in the wide-range scope of this profession and continue to be a blessing to others. With UPOU, I am best aware that I have the high chances of fulfilling my passion of serving the people and attain high positions in the right time. Finally, I want to become an educator of excellence in health care and continue the tradition of education in our profession and preparing those interested and qualified, who will also become medical and nursing advocates and leaders of the next generation.

Critcal Analysis of Psycho essays

Critcal Analysis of Psycho essays PSYCHO: A Fabulous blend of stylistic elements Psycho, by Alfred Hitchcock, is one of the most famous films in the history of cinema. Alfred Hitchcock, in this film, challenged many of the conventions of Hollywood film- making and cinema-going prevalent at that time. In an unprecedented move Alfred Hitchcock asked all cinemas not to admit any person after the movie started. This was unheard of in 1960, when people wandered in and out of the cinema whenever they felt like it. Not only the cinema-going experience of Psycho different, audience were also confronted with a film that broke many cultural taboos and challenged the censors. Alfred Hitchcock provided a number of shocking images: Janet Leigh in brassiere, Janet Leigh stabbed to death naked in the shower, Norman Bates as a person having a split personality disorder, and the first ever flushing toilet shown on the screen. During the period from the late 1920s to the late 1950s, films made usually revolved around the story and the stars, and were usually heavy with dialo gue. Psycho offered the audience offered an experience that was much more emotional and visceral. Audiences were caught up in a roller coaster of shock, surprise and suspense based on image, editing and sound. The film has a very direct, emotional impact. Psycho had a budget of $800,000 and a 36-day shooting schedule. No one was prepared for the firestorm the film created. .... No one could have predicted how powerfully Psycho tapped into the American subconscious. Fainting. Walkouts. Repeat visits. Boycotts. Angry phone calls and letters. ............Only the American public knew what a monster Hitchcock had spawned.(REBELLO, 1989, p.162) Psycho received a handful of Oscar nominations; Janet Leigh for Best Supporting Actress; John Rus...

An Unlikely Murderer Essays - American Folklore, Axe Murder

An Unlikely Murderer Essays - American Folklore, Axe Murder An Unlikely Murderer One would think that crimes with such a gruesome nature would be committed by a hatchet-wielding maniac as put by Russell Aiuto (1). But rather, the suspect was that of a church-going, Sunday-school-teaching, respectable, spinster-daughter(Aiuto 1). The young woman, Lizzie Borden, was charged with the killing of her father and stepmother, a crime worthy of Classical Greek tragedy (Aiuto 1). Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to research the life and trial of Lizzie Borden in order to determine if she was innocent or guilty of parricide, the murder of ones parents. It was on the 19th of July, 1860, that in Fall River, Massachusetts Lizzie Borden was born (Radin 268). She grew up there alongside her father, Andrew Borden. He was a very prosperous man, starting out as the towns undertaker and ending up investing his profits into the textile industry. When Lizzie made it in to her teens, Mr. Borden was worth $500,000 (Paton 432). Being as prosperous as he was, he only had to places to spend his money: his two daughters, Lizzie and her older sister Emma (Paton 432). Andrew Borden also had a wife, Abby Borden. She was the stepmother of Lizzie and Emma and a hated one at that. Whenever Lizzie and Abby were together in the house, which happened a lot, the atmosphere was electric (Paton 433). Abby was called Mrs. Borden, and Lizzie did not eat when Abby was around. Their relationship was so distant, that Lizzie only spoke to her when it was needed (Paton 433). Lizzie first despised Abby when Andrew decided to purchase Abbys sisters home and have it in his wifes name. This prevented his sister-in-law from getting evicted, but Lizzie saw it as a chance for Abby to take advantage of Andrews money (Paton 433). What most people do not know, is that Lizzie had somewhat of a criminal record before she was charged with the murder. The first was committed in her own home. She had reported to her father that some of Abbys stuff had been stolen by a thief. Andrew called the police but stopped them in the middle of their investigation because he noticed that the only person that could have committed the crime was Lizzier herself (Paton 433). Perhaps the only reason Lizzie may have had any hate for her father was when he laid her pigeons to rest. Intruders had broken into the garden of the Bordens, where Lizzies pigeons were held. Mr. Borden assumed that the intruders were after the birds and therefore, decapitated the birds with and ax (Paton 434). Could this be a sign? 1892 was a year of record breaking heat. It seemed to have been 12 months of total summer (Paton 434). That summer, Lizzie bought small doses in several visits of prussic acid, a lethal drug. The drugstore owners started to notice, which caused her to make her visits more discreet (Paton 434). The day of August 4th was a day that would make history. It started out normal. Emma was not in town, and there was a guest staying in the house, Uncle John Morse. Bridget Sullivan, the maid, was up with Uncle John as she did her daily chores. She stopped short, however, because of a sickness she had had recently (Paton 435). Then, with John gone into town and Bridget cleaning the windows, the murders happened. At 9:00 AM, Abby Borden was killed. With nothing more worse happening, Andrew Borden was then killed two and a half hours later, at 11:30 AM (Sams 1). There were 20 wounds from a sharp instrument on Abby and only 10 on Andrew (Paton 432). Lizzie supposedly saw only her father dead. She ran to the neighbours and cried that her father had been killed. She said her mother had gotten a note, asking her to go aid an ill person. So obviously, Lizzie did not know that Abby was in the house dead. The police got there, and they found Abbys corpse in a bedroom. Then for some odd reason, Lizzie remembered that she may have heard her come back in to the house earlier (Paton 436). Lizzies alibi was rather odd. She said she had went out in to the outbuilding

Self leadership development paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Self leadership development paper - Essay Example I think your key strengths is being hardworking and God fearing. Since I knew you when you were attached to our company, you always worked hard and demonstrated good morals and ethics. Although you are quite ambitious, I think you can do better if you consider wise counsel from your elders. As my favorite classmate, I think your best strengths are being confident in what you do, courageous and easy to approach. However, I think you should work on your ambitions if you want to move in pace with other people. You are an aspiring leader in the way you talk to people. I think your best strength is in ability to see into the future and carry on with different aspects of life. You managed to help our sick friend, study for your exams, help your parents with their business, and still have time for friends. But if you push too much, you might burn out. Your best strength is your organizational skills. You were able to organize our estate badminton team for your entire team. Your weakness is that sometimes you may fail to incorporate other peoples’ ideas in teamwork decisions. Loving and approachable- I think this is the strongest trait that I possess. My mantra in life is and has always been that â€Å"Love and compassion are my life statements, and which are the highest forms of intelligence.† This is why all my interactions in life are full of tenderness. I believe that every human being has feeling and emotions, and that a change in my mood can have great effects on, and probably spoil someone’s day. Moral compass- When my friends wrote that I have good organizational skills, most, if not all who mentioned this trait gave an explanation that I always try to justify my responses and actions in a manner that shows moral uprightness. Being a loving individual, I try to make people around me happy and comfortable. I tend to partake of only things that I consider permissible, and

Small group communication Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Small group communication - Essay Example The movie involved a group of employees who apparently lost their pension to a scheme conceived by a businessman tenant, Alan Alda (Arthur Shaw), of the building where they are employed. The group is initially composed of Ben Stiller (Josh), Casey Affleck (Charlie) and Michael Pena (Enrique). They sought the help of a criminal, Eddie Murphy (Slide), a businessman who went bankrupt, Matthew Broderick (Mr. Fitzhugh), and a female employee Gabourey Sidibe (Odessa), to steal the money that they perceived was hidden in the apartment unit of Shaw. The effective group decision making that was exhibited in the movie are as follows: (1) the conceptualization stage where problem identification was initiated and where a proposed solution was conceived; (2) group formation stage where members of the group were carefully selected according to the roles and responsibilities that would be undertaken; (3) holding group meetings to clearly establish the plan of action, strategies, and designation of tasks; (4) cohesive participation and collaboration of members to successfully implement the designed plan; and (5) effective leadership style and accountability to actions that were undertaken (Rothwell). On the other hand, the ineffective decision making activities include: (1) lack of trust which contributed to one or two members to deviate from the plan; (2) lack of research to accurately validate assumptions (the members thought that the stolen money was hidden in a concealed vault); (3) inability to prepare for events which were unplanned but could potentially happen; and (4) tendencies for manifesting group think (Rothwell). The ineffective decision making processes noted above were clear indications of weaknesses in unified thinking, lack of trust in each members’ capabilities to do the tasks delegated and assigned, as well as an aspect of close-mindedness. According to